| December 8, 2003 -- CropChoice
guest commentary --Agricultural Policy Analysis Center, University
of Tennessee: In the wake of the collapse of the World
Trade Organization (WTO) talks in Cancun in mid-September a number
of news reports have referred to a World Bank Report that estimates
that "a deal to lower global trade barriers could add more
than $500 billion a year to global incomes by 2015, lifting 144
million people out of poverty." These results are based on
a "pro-poor" scenario that is reported in 2003 Global
Economic Prospects: Realizing the Development Promise of the Doha
Agenda.
The World Bank's "pro-poor" scenario assumes that all
developed nations reduce their agricultural tariffs to a maximum
of 10% and tariffs on other goods to 5% while all developing nations
reduce agricultural tariffs to a maximum of 15% and other goods
to 10%. In addition, payments to producers would be decoupled from
production. "The 'decoupling' part of the scenario is achieved
by removing all domestic support in agriculture input and output
subsidies and payments to land and capital. These would be replaced
by direct payments to farm households (2003 Global, p. 50)."
The prospect of a $500 billion income gain, and the lifting of
144 million people out of poverty got me to wondering how this feat
would be accomplished and what its impact would be on agricultural
production in various countries of the world. Because one of the
main issues at Cancun was the Agreement on Agriculture and the call
for support reduction, I assumed that changes in agriculture would
be a significant component of the pro-poor scenario. Indeed, $358
billion of the gain comes from agriculture of which $240 billion
would accrue to low and middle income countries.
For a change of this magnitude to occur, significant adjustments
would need to take place in the developed countries. The effect
of this policy change would be felt differently in various countries
and regions around the world. It appears that one of the areas that
would experience the greatest change under this trade liberalization
scenario is the European Union.
Right now, the EU is just barely a net exporter of major field
crops. Aggregating across corn, barley, wheat, soybean, rapeseed,
sunflower seed, and rice, over the last five years the EU annually
consumed an average of 140 million metric tons of these commodities.
While she imports and exports various amounts of individual crops,
in total, EU exports averaged about 4 million tons of major crops
more than it imported.
The results of the study's "pro-poor" scenario show a
decline in total European crop and livestock output of 30% below
baseline projections for 2015 (2003, p. 54). Break-outs of individual
commodities were not published in the World Bank report but a study
published by Iowa State University on a similar application of the
World Bank's model does provide commodity detail.
Based on the more detailed information in the Iowa State study,
we have estimated the crop-output implications from the World Bank's
reported total drop in EU agricultural output of 30% for the pro-poor
scenario. The results are staggering.
In the case of wheat, this estimation approach suggests that the
"pro-poor" trade liberalization agenda would result in
the loss of 26.4 (60%) million of Europe's 44 million wheat acres
by 2015. This would transform Europe from a net wheat exporter to
a significant importer.
In other grain production, Europe would lose 18.9 (70%) of its
27 million acres devoted to the production of other grains. With
oilseeds the corresponding drop would be 6.2 million acres (59%)
out of 10.5 million acres. In both of these cases Europe would be
a significant net importer. The imports would come from lower cost
producers elsewhere in the world.
According to our calculations, the World Bank study implies that
the relatively self-sufficient EU would become dependent on imports
for two-thirds of its grain and oilseeds. Europe would return to
the same kind of ship-to-mouth existence that it experienced following
WWII. It was this ship-to-mouth to existence that led to the establishment
of the European Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in 1962.
Can this be? Do we really think that the EU will reduce its total
acreage of wheat, oilseeds, and other grains by 63% or 51.5 million
acres in the next decade under this or any other trade liberalization
scenario?
As one who has worked with economic simulation models for over
thirty-five years, I can understand how the World Bank's model,
that views the world "as one large field" to use ADM's
words, would produce these results. As a policy analyst, however,
I find it extremely hard to believe that the French and other Europeans
would be content to sit idly by while EU's major field crop production
drops by nearly two-thirds.
Again, I ask, can this be? Are we missing something here? Can the
real-world adjustments that would be required to achieve a $358
billion agriculturally based increase in global income from trade
liberalization be reasonably expected to occur? Perhaps, but what
a gigantic departure from previous adjustment-experience it would
be.
Daryll E. Ray holds the Blasingame Chair of Excellence in Agricultural
Policy, Institute of Agriculture, University of Tennessee, and is
the Director of UT's Agricultural Policy Analysis Center. (865)
974-7407; Fax: (865) 974-7298; dray@utk.edu;
http://www.agpolicy.org
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